In the court room
It is worth repeating some of the Constitutional Court’s judgement in the Nkandla matter. In paragraph 83 it stated: “The President thus failed to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme law of the land.”
A similar finding was made in respect of Parliament: it acted inconsistently with the Constitution when it passed a motion that absolved the President from compliance with the Public Protector’s findings. The Court declared Parliament’s motion invalid and set it aside. It is clearly not enough to have a parliamentary majority; that majority must also act in line with the Constitution.
Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, who wrote the judgement with which all other ten judges concurred, did not mince his words: “… public office-bearers ignore their constitutional obligations at their peril.” He referred to sec 1(c) and (d) of the Constitution which contain the principles accountability, the rule of law and the supremacy of the Constitution (my emphasis). Not just words, but words with meaning and consequences.
South Africans were justifiably proud and excited by this strong and unambiguous statement of the Constitutional Court and the clear victory for constitutionality. Some people were confused and disappointed that the Court did not order impeachment – it is not within the Court’s power to order that. Constitutionality also includes a separation of powers, and that power belongs to parliament, not the Court. The Constitution is clear on that, specifically stating that “The National Assembly… may remove the President…” May, not must or should.
The Court has played its part; it is now up to Parliament. In practice therefore, it is up to the ANC and broader political processes. For that reason the focus and attention has moved from the Court room to politics.
Over to politics
The President, the ANC and the Speaker of Parliament all hunkered down and are trying to sit the issue out. However, at the time of writing it does not look as if South Africans are accepting it. There is a lively political contestation going on – which is precisely how it should be. So how will all this play out?
One can summarise the current position in three statements:
From Nenegate on 9 December 2015 to the Constitutional Court’s judgement on 31 March 2016 – about 4 months – Mr Zuma’s political position has weakened considerably. Then he felt comfortable to fire the minister of finance, now it does not look as if he could fire the deputy-minister of finance. One must not conclude that Mr Zuma will depart, but things have become looser and they can take unexpected turns. As Harold Wilson used to say ‘a week in politics is a long time’.
In the mean time…
In the meantime pressing economic issues are piling up in the background. Both the ratings agency S&P and the World Bank have cautioned that politics in SA are undermining focus and leadership on growth.
Certainly issues like a new board for SAA and sorting out the dispute between Finance Minister Gordhan and SARS Commissioner Tom Moyane are not coming to conclusion. Progress on these matters is critical to improve confidence. The political stagnation is not good for investment, period.
On the other hand, Minister Gordhan’s ongoing consultations with business leaders seem to be taking shape around concrete actions; in particular an enterprise development fund to support small business formation and capital projects in which business could invest. Apparently people like Brian Joffe, Adrian Gore and Sim Tshabalala are involved, which must improve the odds of success. So underneath the political noise serious minds are looking at serious issues… like watching two very different movies at the same time.
Some reflections
So what?
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